Revolutionary Afterlives, by Mary McAlpin

I’ll briefly address the two books under discussion today, then turn to the question of raised by the title of this panel: Why do we continue to care about the Revolution?

First to the books. Julia and Kate’s studies come together by virtue of a shared interest in “politically inflected” literary texts from the post-Revolutionary period. I have borrowed the term “politically inflected” from the introduction to The Frankenstein of 1790, because I find it so very useful in describing the texts at the heart of these two studies. As both Julia and Kate emphasize in their introductions, the fiction produced during and immediately after the Revolution has some claim to the status of “most neglected literary corpus in French history.” And yet, it is eminently reasonable to assume that this body of literature has something important to tell us about the Revolution; for how could an event of this magnitude, incorporating so many reversals, and so much violence, NOT be omnipresent in the cultural imagination of the time, and thus in the fiction of the period? And so both Kate and Julia argue for an “inflection” in these texts toward the Revolution, in the etymological sense of “bending toward,” with all this implies of a certain plant-like tropism, as if the Revolution were exerting an inexorable pull on the authorial imagination of the time.

The manner in which Kate and Julia argue for the revelatory power of this inflection makes these two studies very much deserving of the attention we are giving them at this panel. Nevertheless, to the extent that these works are problematic for me, these concerns grow out of the need that each author feels to convince her readers that the literature of this period has something, and something important, to say about the Revolution. I’ll start with Julia’s book, which I had the pleasure of reviewing.

One of the most striking aspects of Julia’s study is the variety of the material she addresses. Julia mentions in her introduction that in preparing to write this study, she examined some 300 works of fiction, and in a sense, the very volume of texts taken into consideration negates the question of their literary value—they act as a data set, rather than as individual works of art. But Julia of course does offer interpretations of some of these obscure works, using a theoretical framework she labels “new positivism.” This interpretive philosophy can be summarized as follows: One must posit a literal meaning for a text; but one must simultaneously accept that this “literal” meaning is subject to change over time.

It would be easy to dismiss this approach as an attempt to have one’s cake and eat it too—that is, to keep one’s postmodernist credentials intact, while simultaneously ignoring the greater claims to skepticism implied by postmodernism’s openness to undecidability. I however very much appreciate Julia’s willingness to make interpretive claims, based on textual evidence, within a particular historical context. As is always the case, the more unexpected the interpretive claims, the greater the satisfaction when the reader accepts their validity, and in this respect The Frankenstein of 1790 most certainly does not disappoint. In particular, Julia demonstrates a breathtaking openness to arguments of influence. She traces, that is to say, intertextual connections over time based on what might seem at first glance to be very tenuous similarities. I’m referring here to the coda to each chapter, in which Julia links the quite obscure texts she has discovered to later works. The most striking claim to parentage, at least in my eyes, comes in chapter three, in which Julia argues that Louis XVI morphs, over time, into le Père Goriot.

But what I like most about these codas is that, in accordance with the interpretive openness she values, Julia makes no attempt to erase or gloss over the occasional fragility of the connections she makes. And although I was in each case quite convinced by the links Julia made, I am nevertheless interested in her argument for the interpretive validity of her codas, beyond the test of reader response. I’m thinking in particular of the work she references in her title, François-Félix Nogaret’s Le Miroir des événements actuels. One of the characters in this text, an inventor of automatons named Wak-wik-vauk-on-son-frankénsteïn, is of course read in Julia’s coda as an ancestor of the famous scientist from Mary Shelley’s novel of 1818—but  Julia acknowledges that she has found no direct parentage between the two Frankensteins. And so my questions for Julia are the following: To what extent would the discovery that Shelley had read Nogaret reinforce the validity of her claims concerning the link between the two texts? And secondly, to what extent does the Frankenstein of 1790 deserve to be resuscitated, independently of Shelley’s masterpiece?

On to Kate, who begins with a methodological nod to Robert Darnton, who in the Forbidden Bestsellers of Revolutionary France advised critics interested in the relationship between Revolutionary life and literature to look for disparities, rather than continuities. This method proves quite fruitful for Kate, who notes that some of the works she considers achieved best-selling status in the post-Revolutionary period, and therefore MUST have been speaking, in some significant way, to the cultural consciousness of the day, despite what previous critics have argued. I especially like Kate defense of fiction as a privileged mode, even in, or rather especially in, periods of great political and cultural upheaval. Chaos compels us, she argues, to seek to make sense of our world-turned-upside-down and of our personal experiences with this reversal, or revolution. The often horrific experiences associated with the Revolution leads us into trauma theory, although Kate is interested not as much in individual trauma as she is in communal trauma—a fascinating concept in and of itself.

Kate observes evidence in the body of literary texts she has examined of a process of return and delay. Return, in the sense that, in the initial period of the Revolutionary aftermath, Ancien Régime tropes, settings, and characters dominate, to a surprising degree, in the works of both proponents and opponents of the Revolution. Kate interprets this return to the known—to stability—not as an absence, but rather as an active response to trauma. In this way, she pushes back the date at which literary treatments of the Revolution can be said to begin. But Kate also insists on the presence of a delay, namely in writing about personal experiences of Revolutionary events, as in the émigré novels that would be become so popular. This theory of coping with trauma by means of an initial sentimental return to the relatively stable past, followed by a subsequent movement toward a horror that is, by that time, already receding into the past, is fascinating. But my question for Kate involves esthetic value in relation to trauma theory : a difficult, perhaps impossible question, but on to which I returned several times in reading her study. My question is : Given the inflection of this body of literature toward the trauma of the Revolution, does this compulsion imply an esthetic wound as well as a psychic wound? Put more simply, are these works “bad” for the most interesting of reasons?

Finally, I’ll turn to the vast, somewhat frightening question posed by our panel’s title : Why do we continue to care about the Revolution? In answering this question, I decided to take the cowardly scholar’s way out, that is, to turn, once again, to etymology. The first entry in the OED for “care, noun,” is : Mental suffering, sorrow, grief, trouble. This obsolete sense of the word is certainly associated with the study of the French Revolution, but I imagine that the meaning intended by the organizers of this panel is rather number 3.a of the OED entry : Serious or grave mental attention; the charging of the mind with anything; concern; heed, heedfulness, attention, regard; caution, pains. Entry 4 also seems appropriate in this context: oversight with a view to protection, preservation, or guidance. Hence to have the care of , etc. to take care of : to look after.

One of the most admirable traits of the two studies under discussion today is that they do “care” very much—that is, take seriously, look after, seek to preserve—a much neglected body of literature, at a time when literary studies, like the humanities in general, is itself much neglected, or at least underappreciated. But it is important to note that for both Kate and Julia, what makes this literature of critical value is its relationship to the Revolution. It is the Revolution that returns these texts to readability—brings them back to life, if you will, à la Shelley’s monster. In a certain sense, then, one can argue that the Revolution takes care of us, with “us”—or rather the “we” of the panel’s title—understood to be scholars of eighteenth-century French literature. The Revolution gives a continuing relevance, a sense of analytical urgency, to our field, a relevance that might otherwise be difficult to evoke, especially in the eyes of our students. In any case—and I’ll end here—we have no choice but to “care” about the Revolution, if only in the diluted sense of “to take heed of.” We inflect toward this event, so to speak, to the extent that resisting the teleological pull of 1789 is one of the principal challenges of working on Ancien Régime France. We are in a state of mutual care and dependence with the Revolution, and we benefit greatly from this relationship, as these two excellent monographs demonstrate.­

On ‘Narrative Responses to the Trauma of the French Revolution,’ by Katherine Astbury

My book on Narrative Responses to the trauma of the French Revolution (Legenda, 2012)  aimed to widen the canon of French novels from the Revolutionary decade while offering a new theoretical and methodological approach to the reading of those texts. It was based on what I call the forgotten sentimental novels of the 1790s – best-selling texts which appear to retain the tropes and settings of the ancien régime but which, when read in context, reveal cracks in the narrative and a collective response to the trauma of the events of the Revolution. Re-incorporating these novels has thrown new light on our understanding of literary engagement during the period. Far from confirming Henri Coulet’s view that there is a refusal to respond to the political upheavals in the novels of the period,[1] this reassessment of fiction of the Revolution instead echoes Madame de Staël’s comment: ‘qui peut vivre, qui peut écrire en ce temps, et ne pas sentir et penser sur la révolution de France?’ [who can live, who can write in these times and not feel and think about the Revolution in France?][2]

One of the starting points for the monograph was the column space devoted to the notion of a post-9/11 novel in the British Press in 2005. While there can be no close comparison between the events of 11 September 2001 and the French Revolution, I was struck by the fact that British and American novelists tried to respond to the way in which a collective world view was turned upside down overnight by an attack on American soil. Some of the questions about the purpose of fiction at such a time carried echoes of debates around the novel during the Revolution. Initially novelists were anxious that ‘in the present circumstances, fiction was either irrelevant or incapable of offering a convincing representation of a new changed world’.[3] While V.S. Naipaul complained as late as 2005 that ‘no novels have yet engaged with the post-September 11 era in any meaningful way’,[4] writers such as Ian McEwan and Jay McInerney, who have spoken openly about writing fiction in the aftermath of 9/11, have suggested that it takes time for the effects to be interiorised and sublimated into fictional form, and that despite the time lag, people have come to realise that fiction is ‘uniquely suited to conveying certain kinds of emotional truth and metaphoric equivalents for our recent trauma’.[5] And yet at precisely the time that authors finally felt able to bear witness to a collective experience of seeing the 9/11 attacks unfold, there was also a reaction against political fiction growing amongst novelists. Howard Jacobson is just one writer who has complained that ‘if a novel isn’t politically au courant, if it isn’t ratified by events outside itself, we have trouble reminding ourselves what it’s for’.[6] The dismay at fiction’s delayed response to the tragedy and the rebellion against politicised fiction that we see in these debates from 2005, almost four years after 9/11, are reminiscent of the debates, both contemporary and modern, surrounding the fiction of the French Revolution’s apparent inability to engage with events. If in a cynical, post-modern, post-Freudian world it is still ‘stories, not facts […] we turn to when we want to make sense of chaos and complexity’,[7] then is it not also possible that those experiencing the upheaval of the Revolution might have had the same reflex?

The process of coming to terms with the upheaval of the French Revolution is, I believe, a gradual one, and there are consequently a number of stages in the literary responses to it.

The early phase 1790-92 is marked by an initial taking stock followed by an optimistic engagement with the changes that the Revolution was causing in society. This period is dominated by writers who want to provide models of behaviour for the new, regenerated France. The strong neoclassical tendency and a predominance of moderate standpoints are unsurprising given the nature of novel writing and publishing and may, in some cases, have been a deliberate strategy to get into print. Writing a novel and getting it published was a much less immediate way to respond to events than pamphlets, prints, or plays, and this discouraged radical posturing. The extent to which the novels of the initial, optimistic phase of the Revolution endorse the constitutional monarchy perhaps also reflects booksellers’ worries about the viability of texts espousing extremes. Carla Hesse’s work on the book trade confirms publishers’ needs to find texts that will sell as the literary market shrinks.[8] By falling back on ‘established’ names from the immediate pre-Revolutionary period, publishers in fact propagated a series of novels and tales reinforcing a sense of hierarchy and social order. These established writers, from across the political spectrum, were largely positive about the Revolution, though increasingly concerned by the direction it was taking. My work sheds new light, therefore, on Jacques Rancière’s view that a new concept of literature was developed by ‘les tenants de la troisième voie, entre la révolution jacobine et la contre-révolution aristocratique’ [those exponents of a third way, between the Jacobin revolution and the aristocratic counter-Revolution].[9]

It is but a small step for the novel to become a vehicle for the expression of loss and trauma as writers were overtaken by the speed of political change. The period 1792-94 is marked by the increasing rarity of moderate literary engagement with the Revolution. Increasingly, Republican writers come to the fore but we find that other writers feel compelled to write despite or because of the circumstances. There is, however, a significant shift in narrative production post-Thermidor. On the one hand, those who have kept silent during the early years of the Revolution resume their literary careers but the apparent continuity of Ancien Régime tropes, settings and characters is in fact an indication of their traumatised response to the Revolution. On the other hand, certain writers who had initially supported the Revolution now reveal their responses to the Terror. For many of the sentimental writers of the period, the narratives of trauma do not lead to resolution. Significantly, it is the writers who would go on to be the avant-garde of the Romantic movement in France who succeed in working through their responses to the Revolution, while lesser writers remain trapped in the repetitive cycle of reliving the trauma without fully acknowledging their memories.

Emigration acts as a key catalyst to artistic and aesthetic development. Judith Herman has shown how ‘creative energy is released when the barriers of denial and repression are lifted’;[10] this suggests that it is because Mme de Staël and Chateaubriand can find a way through writing to recover from the trauma of the Revolution and reconnect with ordinary life that they are able to spearhead a new French aesthetics. My work confirmed and extended Deborah Jenson’s view that ‘the origins of French Romanticism are linked to the traumatic memory of the Revolution’.[11] The process of coming to terms with the Revolution is, however, not complete by the end of the 1790s, and traces of trauma can be found well into the nineteenth century. Its impact on writers and the novel in France and on the development of Romanticism cannot be underestimated.

The reintegration of the sentimental novel into an understanding of the literary market and the collective psychology of the period has implications for other genres too. This session is called Revolutionary afterlives and takes us beyond 1799 into the Napoleonic period. The crossover between narrative fiction and theatre and their shared traumatic responses deserve further investigation. I’m currently looking at French theatre of the Napoleonic era thanks to funding from the UK’s Arts and Humanities Research Council and there is plenty to say about the development of melodrama as a response to the trauma of the Revolution, especially as the early successful melodramas were adaptations of novels which clearly bear the hallmark of post-Terror trauma. Pixerécourt’s reputation as a dramatist is made by adaptations of two Ducray Duminil novels, Coelina and Victor, ou l’enfant de la forêt, which are amongst the most important examples of trauma literature of the decade. Thinking of French theatre of the First Empire as exhibiting traces of trauma is potentially very fruitful and I wonder if there is also scope to take the notion of trauma and spectacle beyond the stage to events such as Madame Tussaud’s waxworks exhibition tours in Britain during the first part of the 19th century.

I’d like to end with some points of convergence between my work and Julia’s: over the last decade we have both been chipping away at the large number of fictional texts of the revolutionary decade and the two monographs represent a significant broadening of our knowledge of texts of the period. We both also share a belief in the importance of contextualisation as crucial for an understanding of texts at a time of considerable political upheaval. We also concur in seeing the Terror as the turning point for novels of the decade.

So what are the implications of our two monographs for future research and teaching? – one of the most obvious aspects to come out of the comparison of our research is that a cross-disciplinary approach is key for unlocking the Revolutionary decade – pamphlets inspire prints which draw on theatrical references themselves taken from novels – those at the time wouldn’t have concentrated on just one source and neither should we! We have a responsibility to rain our students to excavate analogies that would have been evident to contemporaries.

[1] ‘Quelques aspects du roman antirévolutionnaire sous la Révolution’, Revue de L’Université d’Ottawa/ University of Ottawa Quarterly, 54 (1984), 27-47 (p. 28)

[2] ‘De L’Influence des passions’, Œuvres complètes, I, p. 113.

[3] Jason Cowley, ‘A New Life for the Novel’, The Observer, 7 August 2005.

[4] New York Times, quoted in the Observer, Jay McInerney, ‘The Uses of Invention’, 17 September 2005.

[5] Jay McInerney, ‘The Uses of Invention’, The Observer, 17 September 2005.

[6] Howard Jacobson, ‘The Joke’s on us’, The Guardian, 9 September 2005.

[7] Robert McCrum, ‘Want to know what’s happening? Read a novel’, The Observer, 4 September 2005.

[8] Publishing and Cultural Politics in Revolutionary France 1789-1810 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).

[9] Jacques Rancière, La Parole muette. Essai sur les contradictions de la littérature (Paris: Hachette, 1998), p. 47.

[10] Judith Lewis Herman, Trauma and Recovery. From Domestic Abuse to Political Terror (London: Harper Collins, 1992), p. 2.

[11] Trauma and its Representations: the Social Life of Mimesis in Post-Revolutionary France (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 2001), p. 25.